JEFFERSON AND HAMILTON
JEFFERSON AND HAMILTON
The Struggle for Democracy In America
BY CLAUDE G. BOWERS
AUTHOR OF ‘THE PARTY BATTLES OF THE JACKSON PERIOD’
With Illustrations
BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY The Riverside Press Cambridge
COPYRIGHT, 1925, BY CLAUDE G. BOWERS
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
TENTH IMPRESSION, JANUARY, 1927
The Riverside Press CAMBRIDGE · MASSACHUSETTS PRINTED IN THE U.S.A.
PREFACE
All American history has since run along the lines marked out by the antagonism of Jefferson and Hamilton. Our history is sometimes charged with a lack of picturesqueness because it does not deal with the belted knight and the moated grange. But to one who considers the moral import of events, it is hard to see how anything can be more picturesque than the spectacle of these two giant antagonists contending for political measures which were so profoundly to affect the lives of millions of human beings yet unborn.
JOHN FISKE
It is the author’s purpose, in developing the stirring story of the Plutarchian struggle of Jefferson and Hamilton, to show that without belted knights the period was picturesque and dramatic. The extraordinary men who gave and took lusty blows did not, as some would have us think, confine themselves to calm academic discussions of elemental principles. The dignified steel engravings of the participants, with which we are familiar, give no impression of the disheveled figures seen by their contemporaries on the battle-field.
This battle-field was rich in movement and color. There was tragedy and pathos, much of comedy, something of the grotesque. Here we shall meet marching mobs, witness duels and fist-fights, turbulent mass meetings, public dinners in groves and taverns, hangings in effigy, and champions of democracy in the galleries of theaters, pelting the aristocrats in the pits, and coercing the orchestras into playing ‘La Marseillaise.’ It was in the midst of such scenes as these that Jefferson and Hamilton fought the battle of the fundamentals.
The struggle of these two giants surpasses in importance any other waged in America because it related to elemental differences that reach back into the ages, and will continue to divide mankind far into the future. The surrender at Yorktown ended one phase of the Revolution, but it was not complete until, after twelve years of nationhood, it was definitively determined that this should be not only a republic, but a democratic republic. That was the real issue between Jefferson and Hamilton.
The passions of the period still persist, and much of myth has been built up by idolaters and enemies about both leaders. It has seemed possible to the author to tell the story of their struggle with complete justice to both. The part each played in the creation of the Nation was essential. It has been the purpose to depict these two men and their associates as they really were in the heat of controversy, neither sparing their weaknesses nor exaggerating their virtues; to paint them as men of flesh and blood with passions, prejudices, and human limitations; to show them at close quarters wielding their weapons, and sometimes, in the heat of the fight, stooping to conquer; and to uncover their motives as they are clearly disclosed in the correspondence of themselves and friends. This has necessitated the demolishment of some fashionable myths, when myths have obstructed the view to truth.
The facts as here set forth throw a vivid light on the causes of the collapse of the Federalist Party, which, in the average of its leadership, was, perhaps, the most brilliant, and certainly the most attractive, in American history. Men of wonderful charm they were, but they were singularly lacking in an understanding of the spirit of their times and country. They fell, as we shall find, because they neither had nor sought contact with the average man, and sternly set themselves against the overwhelming current of democracy.
Even so, we shall find an explanation of their distrust of popular government in the illiteracy of the times, the exaggerated notions of freedom that prevailed, and the levity with which so many looked on financial obligations. It is easier to understand the Hamiltonian distrust of democracy than to comprehend the faith of Jefferson--a faith of tremendous significance in history. Quite as remarkable as his faith was the ability of Jefferson to mobilize, organize, and discipline the great individualistic mass of the towns, the remote farms along the Savannah, the almost unbroken wilds of the Western wilderness. With a few notable exceptions, he was forced to rely for assistance on lieutenants pathetically inferior to the group of brilliant men who sat on the Federalist board of strategy. He won because he was a host within himself, capable of coping single-handed against the combined geniuses of the opposition in the field of practical politics.
A liberal use has been made of the newspapers of the period; not only of the descriptions of actual events, but of the false rumors and stories that entered into the creation of the prejudices that always play their part in the affairs of men. In determining why a given result was forced by public opinion, it is no more necessary to know what the truth was than to know what the people who formed that opinion thought the truth to be.
Along with the struggles in Congress, the bickerings in streets, coffee-houses, and taverns, the actions of mobs and mass meetings, it has been thought important to show the part ‘society’ played in the drama--for it was a significant part. This was inevitable in a clear-cut fight between democracy and aristocracy. The elegant home of Mrs. Bingham was scarcely less identified with the Federalists than was that of Lady Holland with the English Whigs, or that of Madame Holland with the party of the Gironde. The pettings which the Otises and Harpers there received after the battles in the House were very real rewards to men of their temperament. The part played by men and women of fashion in the politics of the time will appear in the ostracism of Democrats from their charmed circle, when even Jefferson, snubbed, was driven for solace to the solitude of the library of the Philosophical Society.
Throughout the struggle we shall find the forces well defined--aristocracy against democracy, and sometimes we shall see it illustrated with theatrical exaggeration, as when the Philadelphia aristocrats of the army that marched against the Whiskey Boys, on prancing horses and in broadcloth uniforms, paraded their ragged, weather-beaten prisoners of the frontier through the fashionable streets for the delectation of the ladies at the windows.
It is impossible to treat of this period without giving to John Adams a place apart. He was in some respects a tragic figure, and, though ludicrously vain and often all but clownish in small things, we shall have occasion to admire and respect his independence and courageous subordination of his personal fortunes to the service of humanity and country in making the peace with France. If at times the mere recitation of his personal weaknesses seems like ill-natured ridicule, it should be borne in mind that this is necessary to the explanation of why a statesman and patriot, so able and deserving, was so unfortunate in his public career.
The purpose of the author is not to make out a case for or against democracy, but to show how it came to the Republic, sometimes blundering and making a fool of itself on the way; to re-create, if possible, an heroic, picturesque, and lusty age; to make the men of the steel engravings flesh and blood; to stage the drama of a day when real giants trod the boards.
CLAUDE G. BOWERS
CONTENTS
I. DAYS OF COMEDY 1
A depressing dawn--Pessimism of Ames and Madison--Petty jealousies and ambitions--Federal Hall--Caliber of Congress--Adams’s triumphant entry--His elation--Form and titles--‘Majesty’ or ‘Excellency’?--Adams scorns ‘President’--‘What shall I be?’--Maclay’s amusement--Ellsworth puzzled--‘How shall I behave?’--Carroll’s disgust--Debate on titles--Maclay’s irreverence--Fenno’s plea for titles--Washington’s arrival and reception--Scene at the inauguration--The inaugural ball--New York in 1789--Streets, lights, sanitation--Homes of celebrities--Auction block and gallows--Funeral bells--Tea-gardens--Taverns--Theater--Washington at the play--Maclay shocked--The wax-works--Social climbers--Cost of living--Luxury of society--Its Tory tone--Ball at the French Minister’s--The Court on Cherry Street--Snobbery and pretense--The Hamiltons entertain--The dinners of the Pennsylvanians--Robert Morris’s stories--The Wall Street promenade--The House of Gossip--Richmond Hill--Washington’s dinners--Madison seeks revenue--Trickery of the merchants--Enter the ‘moneyed class’--Power of removal--Washington and the Senate--Hamilton’s appointment.
II. HAMILTON: A PORTRAIT 22
Appearance--Elegance--Mystery of origin--Precocity--In Santa Cruz--Early ambition--At King’s College--Literary brilliancy--His eloquence--Was he a military genius?--His aristocracy--Love of luxury--Government by ‘gentlemen’--Respect for wealth--Contempt for democracy--Preference for monarchy--His plan for a Constitution--Distrust of the one adopted--Never reconciled--Work for its adoption--His genius analyzed--Methods of work--Fighting qualities--Moral courage--Personal integrity--Analysis of his strength and weakness--As a party leader--Lovable traits--His conviviality--Fondness for women--His home life--Attitude toward religion--Toward Washington.
